The Whistlers As They Were in the 1840s

George William Whistler (George)

George (see Images 12–13) was Whistler’s eldest child, born on 9 July 1822. He was five years old when his mother, Mary Roberdeau (Swift) Whistler (see Image 10), died (9 December 1827), and nine when his father remarried (3 November 1831). He was almost twelve when his first half-brother, James (see Images 24–29), was born, and seventeen when his only biological brother, Joseph, died. He was an indifferent student.1 The principal foreman at the Alexandrofsky Head Mechanical Works, Joseph Senior Kirk of Lowell, Massachusetts, told Anna Whistler he had known George in Lowell as a lad. Little else is known of George’s youth. One does not have the impression that, like other young men, he was apprenticed in his early teens to learn a trade or business. He seems to have been in poor health and assiduously tried to avoid a cold climate in winter. He may have already been suffering from the heart condition that caused his death at forty-seven, paralleling that of his father at forty-eight from the same ailment.

In May 1843, while his family was preparing to join Whistler in Russia, George, aged twenty-one, was working in the machine shop of the Proprietors of Locks and Canals in Lowell. After consulting with his father, he had “decided to remain … [there] for a year.”2 He was working a ten-hour day, like the other employees, enjoyed the work, and said it agreed with his health.3 This suggests he may have previously lacked the stamina to work full-time.

In August of 1843, he had to accompany Anna Whistler, Debo, and the children (see Images 1–5; 17–19, 21; and 24–30) to England, where he found that he would be required to continue on as their protector as far as Travemünde, because there was no direct ship from London to Cronstadt (see Images 77–85).4 Whistler regretted George’s decision not to travel all the way to Russia with them, since he could have returned home at any time if he so desired,5 and his presence “would have been a great comfort” to their bereaved family.6 But George did not wish to run the risk of being unable to leave Russia so late in the season and “was anxious to return to America before the cold weather.” Alone in the United States, he had as guardians and advisors his mother’s brothers, General Joseph Gardner Swift (see Image 11) and Captain William Henry Swift.7

Immediately after arriving home, he sent news “of the possible necessity of a voyage,” astonishing his father, who did not have “the slightest knowledge or idea of his delicate health.”8 The nature of this illness is never referred to by name. Whistler, hearing about it from George himself, was surprised and referred to it only as “delicate health.” Later, he was glad George had not come to Russia with the family, because the “climate would have been fatal to him.” Joseph G. Swift probably named the illness in writing to his brother, but his letter is not extant. William Swift’s reply to Joseph Swift is cryptic and ominous:

The information which [your letter] contained relative to George Whistler, I fear is ominous of his fate. I have known for some years that the disease was lurking about him, but had entertained a hope that he might outlive it. A letter which he wrote me on the day of his departure from New York seemed at the time I received it, to be the last I should ever see from him, this is an opinion of foreboding that has occurred to me more than once in my life, and more than once it has not deceived me, I hope in this case that my fears may not be realised.9

This dark response may be referring to a diagnosis of the heart condition that would eventually carry off Whistler, George, and James. It suggests George’s fear that he might die on the journey and his depression. Later in George’s life, William Swift spoke of him as having “the McNeill disease,” a reference, also cryptic, to Anna Whistler’s brother, William Gibbs McNeill (see Image 31), an alcoholic. Anna Whistler’s letter to Joseph Harrison Jr. (see Image 226) when George died clarifies that, in addition to his heart condition, he had “disease of the liver of so long standing [that it] was incurable!”10

Whistler wrote George in November of 1843 that Count Kleinmikhel’ (see Image 243) would be glad to give him a job. He urged George to do all he could that winter to improve, “especially in the machine shop – and on the road,” to get practical knowledge in putting up and running an engine and to learn French, and then to come to Russia in the spring of 1844 and judge how long to stay.11 With George so far away, his letters would cross with his father’s, and Whistler was frustrated that George’s “movements [were] in advance of the possibility of advice from [him].”12 George had gone ahead with plans for a sea voyage, and Whistler was grateful that General Joseph G. Swift had intervened to arrange a protection for George from the Secretary of State.13 In late November, George sailed on the Lausanne “for the Sandwich Islands, mouth of the Columbia River, Manila and Home again,”14 on a cruise that was intended to last a year. In Honolulu, he found out that the Lausanne was not going to the mouth of the Columbia River, as originally scheduled, but returning immediately to the United States. As he did not wish to return home in winter, he left the Lausanne, planning to visit the various islands and come home in the summer of 1845. He considered himself quite well already.15 He must have gone further afield, however, for when he arrived in the United States around March 1845, and wrote to his father from Brooklyn, the family was under the impression that he had not yet “embarked from China.”16 He declared himself in perfect health and suggested coming to Russia for a visit that summer.

He set about seeking employment again. He wrote his father of the possibility “of entering the navy in the new Corps of Steam Engineers.” Whistler liked the idea, feeling that if George’s “health will permit it – and he will pursue the course … he will have ample field for action – it will be an important branch of service in time.”17 He urged George to visit the family in St. Petersburg, but only “if it would not interfere with any prospect he may have for employment,” for in St. Petersburg “there would be none.”18 The longer Whistler worked in Russia, the more he came to feel that even if it were possible for George to receive employment there, nothing would induce him to permit his son to be employed in the servile system he himself had come to see in action and to despise.19

George left Boston on 1 June 1845,20 spent a week in England, where he visited the Winstanleys, and on 25 June arrived in St. Petersburg.21 He was a sponsor at two christenings: for John Bouttatz Whistler, who was born on 29 August; and for Alicia McNeill Harrison, who was born on 12 September.22 George had planned “to return on 1 Sept: to take his chance for an appt in the ‘Steam Marine’.”23 William Swift disapproved of the idea on the grounds that George did not have “stamina enough for the situation.”24 Whistler rejoiced in his son’s visit. He was especially happy that in laying out their views before one another, George concurred “that this was no country for him.”25 George may also have talked with Harrison, Winans, and Eastwick about possibilities of employment back in the United States, and Thomas DeKay Winans could have suggested his father’s firm. George did not leave Russia until 16 September, when he accompanied Aunt Alicia and Debo to England. In early October, he was in Washington.26 By the beginning of December, he had taken a job in Baltimore with the firm of Ross Winans (see Image 228), “a much better place for him than the Navy,” in William Swift’s opinion.27 Here he came to be regarded by Ross Winans in a few months as “most useful”; his employer also anticipated that he would do “well for himself.”28 George said “he never was so happy … he now really [felt] that he [was] useful.”

By mid-March of 1846, George wrote his father that he was engaged to marry a Baltimore girl named Mary Ann Ducatel (Baltimore, MD bap. 11 May 1825 – Baltimore, MD 25 February 1852).29 Mary Ann Ducatel was the daughter of Julius (Jules) Timoleon Ducatel (Baltimore, MD 6 June 1796 – Baltimore, MD 23 April 1849; see Image 14) and Joanna (Barry) Ducatel (Maryland 1800 – Baltimore, MD 16 November 1873), who were married on 11 May 1824.30 Her father “was educated at St. Mary’s college, and then became associated with his father, long the principal pharmicist in Baltimore.” He then studied natural sciences in Paris for several years. On returning to Baltimore, he became, firstly, professor of natural philosophy at the Mechanics’ Institute and then professor of chemistry and geology at the University of Maryland. Next he was elected to the chair of chemistry in the medical department at the University of Maryland. Eventually, he became professor of chemisty, mineralogy, and geology at St. John’s College in Annapolis, Maryland. He was invited in June 1838 by the Secretary of War to “attend the examination of the Cadets” at the USMA, which he accepted. He was the author of A Manual of Toxicology (1848).31 Joanna (Barry) Ducatel was related to Captain James Barry (c. 1755 – 7 January 1808) and his wife Joanna Gould Barry (d. 26 October 1811). The extended Barry family were Irish immigrants; in the 1790s, four brothers – James, Robert, Garret, and Redmond – all immigrated to the United States. Joanna (Barry) Ducatel appears to be the daughter of either James Barry’s brother Robert or nephew Robert. The James Barrys had been living in Lisbon, Portugal, and James Barry served as the Portuguese consul general for Maryland and Virginia from 1791. They had two daughters, Ann (d. 17 July 1808) and Mary (d. 17 November 1805), both of whom were unmarried. The Barry family was painted by American artist Gilbert Stuart (1755–1828): the portraits of the Barry daughters are now in the NGA (1954.9.3 and 1954.9.4) [National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC]”; the portrait of Captain James Barry (see Image 15) is the Princeton University Art Museum (1979-52).32 On 27 August 1872, Joanna (Barry) Ducatel advertised in The Sun (Baltimore) that her “large and commodious dwelling” was available “for rent.” On 16 November 1873, she died.

Apparently George assured Whistler that he and Mary would not marry until he was financially stable. Whistler “could see no reason for not yielding to his wish,”33 perhaps remembering that he himself had eloped with Mary Roberdeau Swift when her father would not give his consent to their marriage. He expressed “every confidence in [George’s] not undertaking the responsibility of marrying anybody until he sees some tolerable fair prospects of providing for his happiness.” He also felt that “George’s own letters are most satisfactory proof of his good heart and head,” and indicate his “improvement and progress.” Whistler knew Mary Ducatel’s father from his own Baltimore days. Reminded by Joseph G. Swift that “Miss D. as a little girl was like Deborah,” he recalled that knowing this had made him, then a widower separated from his children, want to see the child because he missed his own young daughter.

At this time, George became embroiled in a conflict between Anna Whistler’s brother, William Gibbs McNeill, and Whistler. When Whistler was leaving Lowell, McNeill had proposed verbally that “in professional matters we were partners – the receipts for our professional services, to be a common fund to be divided equally between us,” but Whistler had intended to “do as [he] pleased, according to circumstances.”34 McNeill, whose alcoholism was apparent, and who was having difficulties finding employment, was now demanding money from Whistler. He was writing, however, to George, saying “impudent things” about Whistler, and requiring George to send these letters on to Whistler, most of whose letters he refused to answer directly.35 William Swift, who was handling Whistler’s financial affairs in the United States, sent McNeill three thousand dollars at Whistler’s request and intended to send him two thousand more as soon as he could “get it without sacrificing Whistler’s worth!”36 George wrote McNeill a note “withdrawing certain expressions he had used in their correspondence relative to the habits of McN.” He also traveled to New York, where he discussed the subject of his and McNeill’s correspondence with McNeill’s wife, Maria (Cammann) McNeill, and became “reconciled to [her] and his cousins.”37 Whether the matter of money McNeill demanded of Whistler ended here is not clear, but this episode seems to be the basis for the story that Whistler had no savings from his Russian employment because a portion of them was demanded by and given to McNeill.

In August of 1846, George raised with his father the possibility of accepting a position to go to Russia as a partner in the firm of Harrison and Winans to attend to the contract the firm had taken to lay the rails.38 A competent person would be “given an interest in their establishment.”39 Ross Winans felt Thomas DeKay Winans (see Image 229) would do well “to associate some good & suitable person with [him] & that of Young Whistler is the proper person – he is every way qualified to be as useful & efficant [sic] as anyone you could select & the propriety of asociating [sic] him with you in preference to anyone else you will readily perceive.”40 Whistler, however, had already advised George against it.41

By April of 1847, after apparently being refused a raise, George quit his job with Ross Winans, unwilling to adhere to the usual practice of a long apprenticeship for reputation’s sake rather than for money.42 His father did not think he had served there long enough “to make his compensation a matter of so much importance.” Whistler had been hoping, too, that George would adhere “to the plan of becoming a mechanical Engineer.” He understood that George’s wish to marry Mary Ducatel had precipitated his impatient decision.43 William Swift, exasperated by George’s “fickleness” in holding down a job, assessed him as having “a radical and serious defect in his character, he is infirm of purpose, and a weathercock should form the crest in his coat of arms.”44

Seeking employment yet again, George had an opportunity in a machine shop in Charlotte, North Carolina, where it seemed he might be a partner, if he could supply ten or fifteen thousand dollars. Whistler, however, could not give him such a sum “without taking all that he [had] saved.”45 Furthermore, William Swift did “not think George capable of managing such an establishment” in the South, although he felt that “North Carolina [was] a much better climate for [George] than New York.”46 George, therefore, may have had prospects in New York as well.47 Perhaps McNeill, who had found employment with the Erie Railroad by October 1846,48 had proposed it, now that they were reconciled. The extant correspondence of his uncles and his father does not reflect how he was employed for the next two years, beginning April 1847.

On 20 June 1848, George Whistler and Mary Ducatel were married in Baltimore in the Basilica of the Assumption. There seem to be no extant letters from them or others about their wedding or their married life in the 1840s.49 The Whistlers received some news of them through Joseph and William Swift. Anna Whistler was cheered to hear of “George’s improved spirits and health,” feeling “quite sure he must be happy with such a sweet companion as Mary is described to be.”50 When Whistler died, Anna Whistler wrote George and Mary a moving account of his last moments. Mary’s father, Dr. Julius Ducatel, had also recently died.51 Overwhelmed by the correspondence she had to conduct, Anna Whistler asked Mary to inform Martha (Kingsley) McNeill at Stonington of Whistler’s death.52 When she and the boys arrived back in America, James was the first to meet Mary.53

In tribute to Whistler, Harrison wrote to William Swift and to George, offering “to advance thousands for George,” now about twenty-seven years old, to help him establish himself.54 Anna Whistler, though grateful and not knowing how they would respond to the offer, stated her opposition, feeling that “pecuniary debts … seldom cement friendships.” She wished Whistler’s sons to shrink from debt, as had their father. She felt George would “be wise to be frugal & steadily to pursue the beaten track of engineering,” gradually rising “thro his own perseverance in his profession” and “by his own industry win[ning] the confidence of the public.”55 She informed Harrison that “George had a new appointment which will enable him to support himself & wife, he will be on the Erie railroad.” He would be happy because he would see many of his cousins, who were also employed on that railroad. He would leave Baltimore early in July for New York, which was to be his headquarters, and receive a salary of $1200 per annum. He would be able to “take his wife with him sometimes & sometimes leave her in New Haven” with Anna Whistler, if she should settle there.

George accepted his appointment in New York City.56 His summer quarters were to be Binghampton, New York.57 He asked to be given his father’s professional papers.58 Although he must have been grateful for Harrison’s offer, he was remiss in writing to acknowledge his gratitude, and there is no evidence that he ever did. Anna Whistler found George “looking thinner than I ever saw him, but … not feeling ill now.”59 She assured Harrison that George had been “prevented answering your very friendly letter by illness, & by business, the packing up & removal to a new post of duty,” which were “as much as he could possibly accomplish then.”

George’s uncles Swift were exasperated with him, but rightly left his father to be the decision-maker about the professional path he should take. McNeill considered him “a silly boy.”60 Whistler, who was more easygoing, was nevertheless adamant about what employment George should not take.

In August 1849, Whistler’s remains were lying in a vault in Boston. When it came to the matter of the resting place for them, George behaved in an indelicate manner. Anna Whistler wanted her husband buried in Stonington Cemetery, which she said was also Whistler’s wish. George wanted his father buried in Green-Wood Cemetery in Brooklyn, where Whistler’s first wife was buried. Joseph and William Swift both felt it was Anna Whistler’s right to make this decision, and George had no right “to say or do [anything] in the matter.” Both wrote him their opinion, Joseph Swift stating his far more plainly than did William Swift. Whistler was buried in Stonington Cemetery. George’s desire that a monument to his father be erected in Green-Wood Cemetery was eventually realized.61

The entire family loved George. On their arrival in St. Petersburg, all praised him liberally for his care of them during the journey to Travemünde, and Whistler humorously related what an authority on everything George was in James’s and Willie’s estimation.62 To Anna Whistler, he was “my loved George” and “my own George.” She was totally devoted to him. Feeling she was “painfully situated” in the conflict between her brother William and George in 1846, she stood firmly with George. The three years she had so far been in Russia had confirmed her “fears for my dear but erring brother.”63 She was “thankful dear George does not yield where principal must be upheld.” On returning to America, she “found in George a comforter & adviser,”64 whose views were much like his father’s. She thanked God that she had “yet a George Whistler to aid me in strengthening & elevating the principles of my boys.” Writing Joseph Harrison Jr., she was “too hurried to write half I feel this eldest brother merits – but as you were never deceived in his father, so may you find in him much to win your esteem & confidence for his own sake, as for attachment to the dear departed.”

* * *

The presentation of George’s biography in the diaries differs from that of the other family members. George was actually present with his family on only two occasions: accompanying them from Boston to Travemünde in 1843, and visiting them in St. Petersburg from June through August of 1845. All other references are to his life away from them. The last mention of him is in the entry for Saturday, 30 January 1847. His letters for this period are not extant. There seems to be only one extant letter from his father to him, written in November 1843, chiding him for his careless handling of business and financial matters.65 References to him are sometimes second-hand, relayed to Joseph Swift by Whistler from letters George wrote to Whistler. Other references are first-hand, from reports by William Swift to Joseph Swift, after seeing and speaking with George. William Swift’s and Whistler’s letters to Joseph Swift are the most extensive source of George’s life in the 1840s. Few of Joseph Swift’s letters to William Swift are extant, but sometimes his opinions are revealed through William’s responses to them. Anna Whistler supplies detailed information about George’s life in the summer of 1849 in her letters to Harrison at that time. These rather sparse sources nevertheless enable us to create a revealing biography of George William Whistler.

Notes